A Royal Proposal

Kinnaird, a matrimonial proposal, and the Christians of Travancore

I mentioned this incident in the TNB bank article, and as you study this story, you may, like I did, consider the whole thing preposterous. But when you sit back and digest it, you will realize that it was not so, for in history, all across the world, there have been alliances and marriage proposals for the sake of political or monetary convenience, often concluded under threats and pressure. This one can fit into any one of those categories and was probably planned by the British higher powers, in the first place.

Saroja Sunderarajan, in her exhaustive biography of Sir CP, covers the involvement of a British woman named Emily Kinnaird, who meddled in certain matters concerning Travancore. Though Saroja details aspects related to issues faced by the palace from the Christian missionaries, she does not delve into the proposal as such, and so I thought it a good idea to air this story.

Interestingly it started as a marriage proposal for the young Maharaja, Chithira Thirunal Balarama Varma, then about 20-23 years old. What commenced with a curt exchange of letters regarding a marriage proposal for the Maharaja, between Lady Kinnaird and CP, continued as a barrage, involving personnel from various parts of the British Empire, namely London, Madras, Delhi, and powers such as the Viceroy, the resident, the archbishop of Canterbury and many more. Kinnaird tried at first to cajole and persuade Sir CP, but seeing his resolute stance, went on to threaten him. The discussions then shifted from the marriage proposal to the treatment (by the sircar/regency) of the Travancore Christians and other high-handed activities related to the state congress etc.  CP was equally curt in his replies, for Kinnaird’s accusations were far-reaching and prejudiced, as you will see.

Emily Kinnaird the daughter of Mary Jane Kinnaird, who established the YWCA, was a staunch Christian missionary, quite active in India. Kinnaird and her sister worked at the school carrying the family name at Lahore. During the First World War period, she teamed up with the Young Men’s Christian Association to set up many centers for Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps workers, and after the war, founded the Indian Student’s Union and Hostel. Quite a formidable and outspoken woman, she was regarded highly in the British hierarchy and a CBE recipient.

Sir CP at Travancore

Sir CP’s involvement in Travancore started with his recommendation to the Viceroy in support of the young Chithira Thirunal succeeding his deceased uncle as the Maharaja of Travancore, in 1931. The Viceroy acceded to the request on condition that CP remain by the Maharaja’s side as an adviser. He then served as Legal and Constitutional adviser to the prince from 1931 to 1936. Becoming a good friend of the Royal family, especially the Junior Rani Sethu Parvathy Bayi, CP took over as the dewan of the state and worked together with the new King and his mother, in administering Travancore through a tough period, until Indian independence, after which the kingdom devolved to become a state within the Indian union. During this period, CP working from his offices at Bhakti Vilas was a tough administrator, who brought about several good changes to the Kingdom, but at the same time alienated many factions within the state, due to his high-handed activities.

Princess Sethu Parvathy Bai was the mother of Chithira Thirunal Balarama Varma, the last King of Travancore and was titled the junior regent, while her cousin Sethu Lakshmi Bayi (the subject of Manu Pillai’s Ivory Throne) was the regent and senior Rani. CP and Setu Parvati Bayi worked together to persuade Lord Willingdon who became the Viceroy of India in 1931, to terminate the regency and grant reigning powers to the young Maharaja.

Chithira Thirunal Balarama Varma – The last Travancore Maharaja

Chithira Thirunal was the eldest son of the junior regent Sethu Parvathi Bayi, popularly known as "Amma Maharani", or the Queen Mother of Travancore. He became the Maharajah of Travancore, at the age of 11, after the death of his maternal great uncle Sree Moolam Thirunal, on 7 August 1924. From then onwards, he ruled with the assistance and guidance of Sir CP and his mother Sethu Parvathy Bai.

Travancore intrigues & Christian movements

This is a large topic but suffice to say that the Travancore royals had a long history of antagonism with the many Christian missionaries who worked with and tried to convert and ‘liberate’ the lowest of classes, resulting in many revolts that we discussed earlier. The palace was at loggerheads not only with the missionaries but also with some of the British residents who leaned towards their co-religionists – a phrase we will see uttered again, as connected to this story. It was obvious that the British administration directly encouraged missionary activities and conversion, which the Royals and their Dewans objected to. We had covered some of these in the TNB and the Ouwerkerk stories, and are not brought up again, though they figure prominently in the Kinnaird assaults.

M R Govinda Kaimal was the person who desired to get one of his two daughters married off to the Maharaja, and to further his cause decided to team up with the Church, the British residency and associated bureaucracy, as well as the offices of the Dewan Sir CP, to forward this alliance to the Maharani and her son the Maharaja. Whether it was a wish, a whim, or a desire, Kaimal was quite persistent about this and tried to muscle this through to the Rani and Raja for over 6 years! Though his ancestry and standing are still not quite clear, by his admission, he seemed to have some past connection to the Champakassery Rajas, an aspect we will try to analyze later in this article.

The Champakassery Principality

The area comprising Ambalapuzha and portions of Kuttanad was merged some centuries ago into a separate principality ruled by a Namboothiri ruler titled the Chempakasssry Raja. The kingdom was known in history as Purakkad, Ambalapuzha, or Chempakassery, and seems to have been formed with the help of a few iterant soldiers of the Zamorin of Calicut. The tract from Kumaranellur to Kudamalur in Kottayam thus came under the sway of the Chempakassery King. The Raja being quite tolerant, sponsored the building of the Kudamaloor church, and was a patron of not only the Syrian Christian community settled there, but also many Muslim families. Dutch factories existed in Purakkad from the 17^th century, after they obtained a monopoly following the defeat of the British. It was after this and the Portuguese influence that the churches of Kudamalloor and Purakkad were built, as well as at Arathunkal Palli in the Karappuram area. The Rajas were later termed the Deva Narayanas. During the Dutch period, the area was termed Porca, in their records.

The Devanarayanan Rajas ruled wisely, and during their reign, art thrived, Ottam Thullal was formulated, and Kunjan Nambiar composed his Thullal’s. The state was also famous for its unique rowing boat designs. During the 18^th century, the kingdom was overrun by the armies of Marthanda Varma led by his Dewan Ramayyan Dalawa, and the last King Devanarayan was taken to Anatapuram, as a prisoner, but was later sent back to Kudamalloor. Here he plotted revenge and was supported by his Christian subjects, as well as the Dutch, but again lost in a conflict with Travancore, and eventually retired to become an ascetic, spending his last days at Ambalapuzha. Interestingly, Marthanda Varma spared his life on both occasions, only due to the fear of being accursed for killing a Brahmin. Kunjan Nambiar was forced to move to Travancore.

The Cherthala region of the present day was then known as Karappuram and it comprised two small principalities, viz, Muthedath and Ileyedath. The Kaimals who were the chieftains of these areas were related and allied to the Raja of Cochin. The first instance of a Kaimal/Chembakassery war alliance comes from the 1528-40 conflict between Purakkad and the Portuguese, where the Karappuram Kaimal allied with Chembakassery. Govinda Kaimal’s origins may have been from one of the two Kaimal factions (the last Chembakassery Devanarayan had no offspring). Alternatively, he may have belonged to the Aymanam Kaimals, the military commanders of the Chempakassery Rajas.

Kinnaird’s initial contact with Sir CP

It is not clear if the Kaimal proposal was already known to the Junior Rani as early as 1933 (mind you, the boy was just 20 years old), but there are indications from Kaimal’s letter that he had broached it to the Raja’s grandfather Kilimanoor Kerala Varma in 1933 or so, who seemed to find it agreeable. Whether the Queen mother or the Raja objected to it right away is also not clear, but we hear of it come up formally through Emily Kinnaird who wrote to Sir CP in 1937. The 1938 file states that earlier papers on the subject are not traceable.

Kinnaird wrote to CP from Lahore on 16th April 1937 that in the best interests of the state, which she had a long connection with, she wanted CP to meet and introduce MR Govinda Kaimal, a person popular with his neighbors and whom she had met several times, to the Maharani and thence to the Raja, with an intent to get one of Kaimal’s daughter’s married to the young Raja. In addition, she wanted CP to recommend another young boy for employment with the Sassoons as an intern. She intended to write directly to the Maharani on this matter later, with CP’s support.

CP replied on 23^rd April 37, expressing his surprise and making it clear that it was quite inappropriate of Kinnaird to contact him, that he did not have the remotest idea who Kaimal was and how and why Kaimal in the first place thought it a good idea to make this contact with others (the Royalty), through him. He curtly closed the correspondence stating that he could not be of any assistance in either matter.

Unbeknownst to CP, Kinnaird had written directly to the Viceroy six months earlier about finding a suitable consort for the King, and the Viceroy replied to her stating that it did not fall within the range of his responsibilities.

Kinnaird’s retort

Kinnaird was incensed, to say the least, she when she got her chance, wrote to CP in Feb 1938 pointing out that Travancore was persecuting Christians in the kingdom, that CP was taking the state back to the dark ages, and pointed out that those persecuted were co-religionists of the Viceroy! CP replied that Kinnaird on 15^th Feb that his government was very tolerant, and that she was being prejudiced, making unfounded accusations without basis, and that he shall take no notice of its contents.

CP later forwarded his correspondence as well to the Political Secretary Glancy on 17th Dec 1938. Glancy took note and pointed out to the Viceroy’s private secretary G Laithwaite that he was surprised to see Kinnaird’s role included that of a marriage broker to the prince’s market! He agreed that CP’s replies to Kinnaird were not exactly conciliatory, but that CP had sufficient provocation.

Kinnaird had in the meantime contacted Patrick at the India office and complained about torture being resorted to on political prisoners, attaching a statement of Dr NS Pillai of Attingal, a doctor practicing in E Africa. Apparently when arrested he had some State congress papers and was rough-handled at the police station. Patrick and Lord Zetland upon checking on this found that there was no foundation to her suggestions, so also some other instances brought up by Kinnaird, and replied to her so.

A Nov 1938 noting reveals that Kinnaird continued her accusations of CP and accused the Resident CP Skrine of having been squared by the Dewan. In this case, the Maharaja ordered an amnesty for the prisoners, and the matter was dropped ending in the file comment – if possible, tactfully to indicate to her for a more careful scrutiny of the information reaching her.

The details of the proposal formed the content of the correspondence between Kaimal and the Archbishop of Canterbury, and this was forwarded by Patrick from the India Office in London to Glancy, in Jan 1939. The archbishop confirms that he had correspondence with Kaimal ‘some’ years ago about a matrimonial alliance and had written to the then Secretary of State Sir Samuel, in Nov 1933. The matter went dormant until 1939 when Kaimal again wrote to him. The archbishop wanted nothing to do with it and forwarded it to the Secretary of state!

Kaimal’s overtures

Kaimal had been in contact with the Pro India archbishop of Canterbury over this matter even before the arrival of Kinnaird. He explains in his 17^th Dec 1938 deposition to the archbishop that he belonged to a family of Dewans and Gurus to the Chempakassery Rajas, enjoying tax-free lands and other perks due to their high standing in society (which included the marriage of their daughters only with Namboodiries!). He adds that they were called Yajamans and the ladies Kunjamma’s and that owing to special historical antecedents, they had a special place in the Christian community of Chempakassery. Furthermore, he had been well known to the Travancore Royals, had stayed with the young Raja in Ooty, and the thought of getting his daughter betrothed to the Raja crossed his mind. Accordingly, he had approached the grandfather of the Raja with the idea of a matrimonial alliance. However, the old man, though in general agreement with the idea, replied that Kaimal should contact the family through some persons in a ‘high position’. The archbishop and the foreign secretary were contacted as suggested by the Malankara Church authorities. Further, it was thought that it would be a better idea to moot a formal proposal through ladies and hence he broached the subject to Lady Kinnaird. She (as Kaimal puts it) discussed the matter with Lord and Lady Halifax, the Zetlands, and even Lord and Lady Linlithgow.

A subsequent plan was made for Kaimal to meet the Viceroy, but this did not work out as Kaimal did not speak English, and eventually a meeting with Lord and Lady Erskine (Madras governor), was planned, which also did not pan out due to scheduling issues. Kinnaird then wrote to the Raja’s grandfather for his opinion, in 1936. The grandfather replied to Kinnaird stating that the consorts of the Travancore Raja were made from the Nair community, and this being a Kaimal (elevated in caste), may be far better. Kinnaird came and met the Kaimals in 1936 and expressed her opinion to the Viceroy that the prospective couple looked like ‘Brother & Sister’ (perhaps to mean alike in general looks or suited to each other).

Kaimal added that all these details had also been submitted to Sir CP and the Maharani, Sethu Parvathy Bai, through the grandfather, but that no decision had been made, as he felt the Dewan and the Rani were not too sure how it would benefit them in future!

To sway their mind, and perhaps show them the potential benefits, he entreated the British powers (as responsible persons) to show and declare their interest in this negotiation!!  To quote Kaimal “If they come to know that responsible persons are interested in this union, and that it will do them good in the future, I am sure that this marriage will take place in no time!!

The Chaplain confirmed to Kaimal that they notified the Marquis of Zetland and Kaimal wrote to Zetland a month later asking for details of any progress. He ends his letter with the sentence – May your Excellency be blessed to see India working its way to peace! Now what did he mean by that? Was he connecting the addressee to the disturbances current to Travancore then?

The “Responsible Persons”

Lord Linlithgow (VA John Hope) - Viceroy to India
Secretary to the Viceroy – Gilbert Laithwaite
Marquis of Zetland (John Lumley Dundas) - Secretary of State
Bertrand James Glancy – Political Secretary to the Viceroy
Lord Irwin – Previous Viceroy, in 1938, the foreign secretary
Lord Erskine – Governor of Madras Presidency
C.P. Skrine - Resident – Travancore
William Cosmo Gordon Lang – Archbishop of Canterbury

The result

Nothing seems to have helped, CP and the Maharani dug in their heels and the proposal went nowhere. No further information is at hand on the Kaimals.

The political situation in Travancore deteriorated quickly in the latter part of 1938 due to various other issues well known to us. Abdul Karim took over the police. CP became increasingly unpopular, his relations with the British went downhill after he muzzled the Manorama and the Mano Mohanam press, and his handling of the TNB case exacerbated the issue further. In 1939, Britain got into the forefront of WW II. The marriage proposal was the least of their worries and died out.

How did all this come about?

There is one more matter to consider - The Kaimals and the Raja were not equals, regardless of the caste levels of potential consorts. The reason why word got around was that the junior Maharani had at some time mentioned that she was against a bride from Travancore because it could lead to relatives and others trying to meddle in local politics, form patronage networks, etc. So, the idea was to get the Maharajah married to a Malayali from outside Travancore. Perhaps word reached Kaimal that there was a possibility and Kaimal tried to play the Christian card, to further his case, which presumably upset the Amma Rani. We do know from KOC Pillai's accounts that the Queen and the Raja were considering multiple proposals for the Raja and that none worked out, though there is a comment that the boy was rather shy.

Maharaja’s consort

Chithira Tirunal did not officially take a consort.  Whether he had one or not and if he had any issues from such a consort, official or unofficial, are not quite clear, though many rumors float around, as they usually do, in Trivandrum.

Kinnaird & Gandhi

Kinnaird was a persistent lady, she was 86 years old when she met Gandhiji on July 20, 1940, and had a very interesting dialog with him on religious matters, this can be read in the Harijan of August 4, 1940 (Vol. 72 p. 297-299).

Whatever was said and done, Sir CP was an outspoken man and did not cow down to British authority or pressure. He was quite rigid in his stance and somewhat arrogant at times but kept the best interests of his principals and employers, the Royals of Travancore, foremost in his mind and actions, as their paid servant and Dewan. That he could not match his actions to the aspirations of his subjects at Travancore, was his unfortunate failing.

References

Political department File 739, 1938, Travancore affairs

Sir C.P. Ramaswami Aiyar, a Biography - Saroja Sundararajan

Padathalavan – Parameswaran Pillai

 

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A Quid Pro Quo

Revisiting the Nanavati Case

The case has been talked about often, there have been a few books, numerous articles, and no less than 3 movies as well as a TV series based on the story. The latest book by Bachi Karkaria uncovers quite a few gaps and makes it heady reading. Nevertheless, there could be a few who are still looking for some finer details, and I intend to cover those today.

Nanavati’s Navy background & stay in the UK

Kawas Manekshaw Nanavati, a Parsi, was born in 1922 and educated in Bombay, and later joined the Royal Indian (British) Navy in 1942, after which he was sent to the UK for training. During training, he was identified as OLQ – Officer like quality material and was pushed rapidly through the ranks, a decision proven wise with his 16 ½ years of meritorious service through WWII serving in both the European Anzio (Russian convoys – see my article on the Luckenbach) campaign and the Burmese Arkan assaults. Nanavati was considered a blue-eyed boy to the Naval brass, rose to become a lieutenant commander on INS Rajput, INS Delhi, and a few years after Indian independence in 1952, found himself posted back to London as a Naval attaché (Deputy Naval advisor) reporting to the new High Commissioner VK Krishna Menon. Perhaps they built a good rapport, and this was to stand him in good stead as we will soon see. It was during his UK training sojourn, that he met and got married in 1949, to an English girl Sylvia. The couple were blessed with three children in quick succession and returning to Bombay around 1953, were welcomed by the close-knit Parsi community of Colaba. In 1956, he was sent back to the UK to bring home the INS Mysore (rechristened from HMS Nigeria), as second in command to HM Nanda. Just before the tumultuous events that took place in 1959, Menon had earmarked him for a promotion to DG of the Naval dockyard scheme.

Krishna Menon had returned to India and was working in the Nehru cabinet, and by 1956, was appointed as the defense minister.  During the late 50’s and early 60s, Menon campaigned in Bombay and was elected as the Member of Parliament from Bombay. The Parsis as well as the film fraternity joined hands and ensured that he won with a thumping majority, so Menon was well known there.

A quick run-through of the case

Nanavati’s case is quite well known to Bombay's old timers but is now only remembered by movie buffs and a few following the history of the teeming city. After his INS Mysore stint, Kawas Nanavati got back home for his routine furlough, and it became unhappily apparent to him that Sylvia was distant, cool, and disinterested. Upon questioning her, Nanavati came to know that she was in the middle of a hot affair with Prem Ahuja, an automobile dealer, a person well known in the Malabar Hill circuit for his elan and his parties. Ahuja was quite popular with women and when Nanavati understood that his wife was in an amorous affair with him, seems to have lost his cool.  After dropping his wife and children for a film, Nanavati went to his ship, and signed out a revolver and 6 rounds, informing the storekeeper that he was going on a road trip, or to shoot birds (according to Jethmalani). He then proceeded to Ahuja’s office, but not finding him there, to his home, where Nanavati accosted Ahuja in his bedroom, and a heated argument ensued. It appears that Ahuja said he had no intention of marrying Sylvia or taking care of Nanavati’s children when asked so point-blank by Nanavati, following which a physical scuffle is said to have taken place. Memmi, Ahuja’s sister who was sleeping through a migraine had heard the visitor coming in, and had seen him proceeding to meet her brother, now heard three gunshots, the sound of a body crashing on the floor, and rushed to see what was going on. She saw a bleeding Ahuja, (two bullets had struck his chest and one his head) towel-clad, on the floor, and a silent and calm Kawas standing over him with a 0.38 Smith & Wesson in his hand.

Nanavati left quietly, then visited the Navy Provost Marshall MB Samuel, got directions to the police station, and going there, surrendered to CID Inspector John Lobo, stating that he had shot Ahuja. Sylvia was informed of the happenings at the theater where she and the children were watching ‘Tom Thumb’, and shocked, she shot up, screamed, and collapsed.

After parleying by the Naval brass and ‘higher ups’, it was decided to place Kawas in Naval custody even though this was a civil case. Nanavati was thus confined to the Naval detention quarters on shore, part of the INS Kunjali complex at Colaba, also home to the fledgling naval aviation and helicopter fleet. Here he cooled his heel for a few months, while outside, all hell had broken loose. Meanwhile, Sylvia and Kawas had come back to terms and decided to fight the upcoming case, together, as the family moved and settled at Nanavati’s parents’ house.

Kunjali IV in whose name this complex had been built, would have smiled wryly seeing all this, for it was all a far cry from the days when his paroes played hide and seek and fought the Portuguese with flaming arrows and guerilla tactics. The only fight he would soon see would be verbal calisthenics in a courtroom, pitting naval folk and politicians against the judicial system.

The Navy and the Parsis lined up behind Kawas, and Menon the powerful Defense minister who had Nehru’s ears, pulled the strings. Karanjia, who ran the tabloid Blitz, Menon’s steadfast supporter, ensured Bombay’ites were kept up to date with explosive and salacious details, so written by RP Aiyer.

Prem Ahuja was a partying, well-spoken, Bombay socialite from a rich Sandhi family, hailing from Karachi. He was considered discrete, ready to lend his ear to any attractive lady who started a conversation with him. He came across as an ‘am admi’, a common man, not a posh Parsi speaking with a clipped British accent.

The Navy wives felt he did right in shooting Ahuja but added that he should then have shot Slyvia and committed suicide. While the vast majority were on Nanavati’s side, the Sindhi community was quite hurt when snide comments were made about them, by the Parsi-led media, as Ahuja was a Sindhi. In any case, the air was thick with all kinds of rumors, and when the case came up for trial in the sessions court, the Judge had a tough time reigning in the ‘Tamasha’ as he termed it. A few Brits still hanging around in Bombay, felt that it was a travesty to justice, and grumbled seeing Nanavati coming to court, resplendent in Navy whites. They felt that in the Blighty, Nanavati would have been found guilty and jailed for life.

The trial took place at the sessions court at Flora Fountain in Sept 1959, and huge crowds gathered to witness it. The case pitted the posh and well-settled Parsis against the Sindhis who were by now rising as equals to them, in business.  True, there was competition between the two trading communities, but the feelings simmered and bubbled when Parsis painted Sindhis as adulterers. The Gujaratis sided with the Parsis as fellow Banias. Shouts of ‘Nanavati Zindabad’ rang in the air, as the meticulously uniformed Nanavati walked in and out, his medals glistening in the sun. Outside Ahuja towels “which won’t fall off’ and Nanavati toy pistols were being sold by enterprising hawkers.

The defense plan by lead counsel Kandhalwala was to make it clear that the navy and the defense ministry were squarely behind their man, and that it was all an accident, that the gun had gone off during a scuffle. Khandalwala was assisted by barrister Rajni Patel and SR Vakil. Public prosecutor CM Trivedi was accompanied by Sindhi Ram Jethmalani, there as an observer, on Mammie Ahuja’s request, while Judge RB Mehta presided. Nanavati pled ‘not guilty’, and the defense argued a case of accidental death. During the examination, Kawas admitted having surrendered but mentioned that he did not shoot to kill and that it was all an accident. Chief of Naval Staff RD Katari testified on Kawas’s impeccable character, while Dr. AV Baliga poked holes in the testimony of the medical witness Dr Bhaganay. SM Nanda, who together with Nanavati had just brought INS Mysore from Britain to India also testified in Kawas’s career. Sylvia who was called to the stand mentioned that Ahuja had promised to marry her and that he had a gun (which was the reason why Nanavati took out a gun when he went to see him).

The jury verdict

A jury of 9, pondered over the results of examination and cross-examination and decided 8-1 by the end Oct 1959, that Nanavati was ‘not guilty’. The Sindhis were furious, seeing how the case was getting fixed, murmuring that the jury had been bought. At this point, one should take note that Jethmalani’s observation that it was simply impossible for a towel not to fall off during a tussle, cast considerable doubt on Nanavati’s cooked-up ‘accident story’ and the defense strategy. The agitated judge disagreed with the jury verdict and ordered a review by the high court. Nanavati was sent back to INS Kunjali for further detention.

Much to contrary belief, this was not the last jury case or the case (many blamed Blitz) that stopped the use of the jury in India (I was also under that impression until I read Jaffe’s paper). It had been a perineal problem, due to the difficulty in obtaining qualified jurors. As Jaffe explains, Jury trials survived well into the 1960s. Courts with original jurisdiction over criminal cases, and several high courts continued to employ juries long after the Nanavati trial, as did many sessions courts, especially in Bengal, but not as often, until 1973. It was not until the passage of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973, that the jury was written out of the criminal trial in courts of session by simply stating, "After hearing arguments and points of law (if any), the Judge shall give a judgment in the case." It was thus by an act of omission rather than an act of commission that trial by jury finally was ended in sessions courts. The common juror, according to the judiciary, was thought of as ‘wild’, ignorant, illiterate, and corruptible. That is, they were ‘not the right people’ to perform the juror’s role.

The high court case & the governor’s pardon

The case was heard again at the High Court, in Feb 1960, where the state was represented by YV Chandrachud., with the defense led by ASR Chari. Justices Shelat and Naik took apart the flimsy defense arguments and pronounced Nanavati guilty of murder under sections 300 and 302, sentencing him to undergo rigorous imprisonment, following which a warrant was issued for his arrest. Within four hours however, Nanavati’s sentence was suspended by the Maharashtra Governor Sri Prakasa (after discussions with the CM), under article 161, while Nanavati appealed to the Supreme Court. The case was discussed again on appeal and Kawas continued his detention at INS Kunjali.

Meanwhile, in Delhi, the parliament was in uproar, and Nehru as well as Menon had to field questions on why Nanavati was provided Rs 10,000/- government assistance, to fight the case. Nehru replied to heated questions, stating that intervention was at the behest of Chief of Navy Staff Katari. But it becomes clear that the person who threw all the weight behind the order was none other than VK Krishna Menon who in an interview with Max Lerner mentioned that he had talked to Sri Prakasa – telling him that the stain of turpitude should not destroy the career of a promising young officer.

This was the first test for the Indian constitution and the first time an Article 161 pardon was implemented. While the legal community was aghast at the order, the public was jubilant. For Nanavati, the situation was tricky because if found guilty, he could be dismissed from service per the regulations, and lose many benefits. The unhappy judiciary decided to contest the governor’s obstruction to justice, as they saw it. HM Seeravi appeared for the state, while Nani Palkhiwala joined the defense. The constitution is dissected and examined, together with the powers of the governor, and the logic in confining Nanavati in a naval goal. After much deliberation, they decide that the governor's order shall stand, leaving the legal community quite unhappy.

Supreme Court it is

Nanavati’s team meanwhile filed a couple of special leave petitions in the Supreme Court against the HC ruling. The Supreme Court taking up the issue, objected to the Governor usurping the court’s rights. A majority decision was reached and Nanavati’s requests were dismissed and he was asked to appear and pray to the court for the return of the writ and warrant. Nanavati during these periods was shuttled between INS Kunjali and the Arthur Road civil prison. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court decided that Nanavati had without any doubt, intentionally shot & killed Ahuja. They also threw out a possibility of culpable homicide and confirmed life imprisonment for the defendant.

Blitz went on an overdrive, publishing mercy petitions from Sylvia and their elder son Pheroze. As the uproar grew in Bombay, the children were sent off to Lovedale in Ooty. At the Arthur Road jail, Nanavati was given a special room, but was moved to the Yervada jail in Pune, developed chest pains, and was treated at the JJ hospital. He was discharged from the Navy in April 1962, and Nanavati applied for parole on health grounds. This was granted, and he moved to a bungalow in Lonavla.

On 16^th March 1964, Nanavati was pardoned by the new Maharashtra governor and Nehru’s sister Vijayalakshmi (Nan) Pandit. Interestingly Nan knew Nanavati for had succeeded Krishna Menon as HC in the UK and had taken formal possession of the INS Mysore. This was made possible by the strangest of possibilities, so let me stop here and take you through the story of another individual, Bhai Pratap Dadlani.

Bhai Pratap and the Sindhu Resettlement Corporation

Bhai Pratap a good friend of the Indian freedom movement, a personal friend of both Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, had decided to resettle the Sindhis who had trudged to Bombay, after a painful partition. On the 15,000 acres of land donated by the Raja or Kutch, he started the town projects at Adipur, Khandla, and Gandhidham. In 1954, a fellow Sindhi accused Bhai of wrongdoing and this started a witch hunt and a legal case which he lost, so also the appeal that followed, after which he was jailed. He fell sick in jail and struggled with multiple heart ailments.

According to the parliament Q&A, Bhai Pratap, the Managing Director of the Sindhu Resettlement Corporation Ltd., was convicted of offenses of conspiracy and cheating and/or abetment thereof under section 120-B and section 420 read with section 109 of the Indian Penal Code for dishonestly inducing the Chief Controller of Imports and Exports to issue three import licenses on the plea that they were required by the Corporation for the development of the Kandla Port and sentenced to five years rigorous imprisonment and a fine of Rs. 4,000.

The case alleged disposing of in the black-market electric goods worth several lacs of rupees obtained under an import license and intended for use in the development of Gandhidham, which as you will read on, was proved wrong. According to the transport minister, he was not lodged in jail but remained as an in-patient in St. George Hospital, Bombay, till 13-12-1961 when he was released on parole.

The quid pro quo settlement

The Jethmalani book provides us with the story of the settlement – Bhai Pratap was a close associate of Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi, and Patel. Bhai Partap was a wealthy businessman who had moved to Mumbai after Partition and had become the driving force behind the movement to provide a homeland for homeless Sindhis in Gandhi Dham. Bhai Partap's businesses included importing various goods. A complaint had been filed against him for the misuse of these goods in the early 1960s. He had originally engaged Jethmalani to defend him but was later advised to engage an older, better-known lawyer.

Unfortunately, Bhai Partap was convicted and sentenced to eighteen months of rigorous imprisonment. Despite having employed a prominent lawyer, not only was his subsequent appeal rejected, but his sentence was also increased to five years. Thanks to his political influence, he was able to apply for a mercy petition to Mrs Vijayalakshmi Pandit, who had become governor in 1962. Unlike most other such petitions, his (petition) was scrutinized closely by two diligent secretaries, B.B. Paymaster, and R.L. Dalal, who discovered that he had been unjustly convicted and was, in fact, innocent. The public prosecutor had withheld from the court important information that proved his innocence. He, therefore, deserved a pardon.

Around the same time, there was also pressure on the government to grant a pardon to Nanavati, who had by then already served a few years in prison. However, the government was aware that pardoning Nanavati would antagonize the Sindhi community. One evening, there was a knock on the door of Ram's apartment at Panchshila, and he was surprised to see Rajni Patel, one of the defense lawyers in the Nanavati case and now a power broker of the Congress Party, and the beautiful Sylvia outside his door. He was hard-pressed to guess what the visit was about. Patel immediately came to the point and explained that the government was prepared to pardon Bhai Partap and, simultaneously, wished to do the same for Nanavati. But, before that, they needed the concurrence of the Sindhi community. In this case, the one person who mattered was Prem's sister Mamie whose concurrence would end all controversy.

They were aware that Ram (as a prominent Sindhi, and well-known to Mamie) alone could prevail upon Mamie. They told him that such a joint pardon would be in the interest of both communities. Ram gave in and convinced Mamie to give in writing the fact that she had no objection to Nanavati's pardon.

Nanavati and Bhai Partap were pardoned on the same day, 16th March 1964.

Canada it is

A few months following the pardon, Nanavati and his family obtained immigration to Canada, seemingly as an emotional refugee, and over time became the Marketing director of Laurier Life Insurance, (some say backed by JRD Tata’s recommendation). There was a large Parsi community in Toronto and Nanavati blended in easily and seems to have done very well in his job. Nanavati, as he admitted, chose to forget that sorry part of his life. They were certainly not low profile and the Nanavatis did make a few visits to Bombay. They moved to Burlington in retirement and Nanavati passed away in 2003, Sylvia from what I last read had moved to an assisted living community.

It was such a volatile case and the first time the Indian constitution was also put on trial, with so many luminaries involved. Ram Jethmalani made his name from the case, Chandrachaud and others rose to become chief justices of the Supreme Court, Sri Prakasa, YB Chavan, Rajni Patel, Acharya Kriplani, Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, Nehru and Menon were all well known for their political lives. BS Soman and SM Nanda became Chiefs of naval staff, Krishnan who took over from Nanavati at INS Mysore, commanded INS Vikrant and became Chief of Southern Command, to oversee the sinking of the PNS Ghazi and the 1971 Pak surrender, while many others including Inspector Lobo wrote books or recounted their memories for others. Bhai Pratap did not live long after the pardon, the great man who built the busy Kandla port moved to London and passed away in 1967.

In 1962, Menon beat Kriplani in the Bombay elections, and Rajni Patel was the key person for him at that time. Jethmalani became Menon’s translator for his campaigning speeches in 1962 and rose to become one of the finest lawyers in India. Menon’s career graph tumbled south after the Chinese incursions and he left the political main stage, soon after.

When you look back, this case became what it was, as RD Pradhan reasons, only because of Krishna Menon’s strong sense of loyalty to a serving officer. But when the China event happened, many who served under Menon in the armed forces ganged up in revolt, made him a scapegoat, and ensured his removal from the ministry. Menon did not utter a word about all this, other than saying good things about his peers and subordinates. That is life, I guess….

The trial according to Jaffe - was significant in Indian legal history not because of popular politics or its sensationalism. These were nothing new in India. And it certainly should not be famous for being ‘the last jury trial in India,’ which it was not. Instead, the Nanavati trial perhaps should be better remembered as the culmination of decades of anti-jury rhetoric, especially among the judicial establishment.

The book by Bachi Karkaria is a must-read for those who want to delve deep into this case, and I thank her for filling the many holes in the story. Thanks also to Saaz Agarwal for providing much information on Bhai Pratap, an individual who did not get a second life after the fateful pardon, but died soon after, with I am sure, a broken heart.

The bad blood between the communities had dissipated by the time I started working in Bombay in the mid-80s. I knew many Parsis and Sindhis from my office days in Bombay, I fondly remember Nena our Sindhi receptionist, and Noreen, our Parsi stenographer, who arranged a Parsi dabba lunch for me right through my years there.

And without a doubt, I miss Bombay, now ‘Mumbai’…I will go back someday soon if only to walk through those streets which I once traversed - treading on foot, the BEST double-deckers and the suburban trains if only to relive those days …

Until then…..

References

In Hot Blood – Bachi Karkaria
Mumbai Fables – Gyan Prakash
Commander Nanavati & the Unwritten Law – Emily Hahn (The New Yorker Nov 1960)
RS and LS debate records, High Court & Supreme Court rulings
After Nanavati: The Last Jury Trial in India? - James Jaffe
‘Not The Right People’_ Why Jury Trials were Abolished in India -James Jaffe
Sensational Love Scandals and their After-lives: The Epic Tale of Nanavati - Sabeena Gadihoke
On the Case of the State Against Kawas Maneckshaw Nanavati – Ashok H Desai
A Chequered brilliance: the many lives of V.K. Krishna Menon – Jairam Ramesh
Ram Jethmalani – Nalini Gera
Bare acts – The honorable murder – Arathi Sethi
Never a dull moment – RD Pradhan
Love, death, and scandal in Bombay – Murali M Menon
Bhai Pratap, Tribute to a Forgotten Hero (Sahapedia) – Saaz Agarwal

Trivia

Dishoom, the cookbook introduces a cocktail, named Commander after this case, made with navy strength gin, pepper, absinthe, kamm & sons ( a spicy London aperitif)

"Quid pro quo" is a Latin phrase that means "something for something" or "this for that". It is used to describe an exchange of goods, services, favors, or money, where one transfer is dependent on the other.

Turpitude - is a legal expression designating an act or behavior that gravely violates the sentiment or accepted standard of the community, i.e. one that is contrary to justice, honesty, or morality and one which shocks the public conscience as being inherently base, vile, or depraved.

 Pics - Wikimedia, and Google images - thanks to all the owners and providers

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Good Ole Choyi - The man about town!

 Choyi Butler of Cannanore, his hotel, and other stories…

Once upon a time, over a hundred years ago, there lived an interesting man called Kottieth Choyi. Though many of his time remember the colorful man who lorded a large family, Choyi Butler, as he was known, was more connected to his hotel by the sea, in Cannanore. Today a pudding is attributed to him, and only a few know that he is survived by a large family and that many of his progeny were illustrious persons. We will meet some of them in this article, and tread the path he did, for a little while, to understand the times long gone, of a period when the Englishmen lorded the land and when caste ruled Malabar. Indeed, Good Ole Choyi was a colorful man, that I can guarantee!

Choyi’s antecedents are not known, but his surname suggests that the ancestors could have come (Choyi in colloquial Malayalam, at that time, meant foreigner) from a foreign land. Choyi’s were somehow connected to Jogis, mendicants, etc., so it is not quite clear what this sub caste under Thiyya, actually did for a living, in the past. This comment may not be relevant - See Notes#1 below

He is mentioned in history as the son of Nadukudi Kaunan (Kannan?), which possibly points to Nadukudi - a place name in Andhra or at Mannar in Sri Lanka.

In an 1886 court case, Kottieth Choyi filed an appeal contesting an excessive claim of arrears/damages by the area collector. It appears that Choyi obtained an Abkari license for Chirakkal and had instead of operating the arrack/toddy shop under the license, opened more, and sublet them to others. I will provide a quick brief only since it provides some background information on Choyi and because the great William Logan was involved!

The license stated -  W. Logan, Esquire, Collector of the District of Malabar, being duly authorized by the Board of Revenue, hereby license you, Kottieth Choyi, son of Nadukudi Kaunan, residing at Cantonment, Cannanore, to manufacture and vend arrack and toddy for the tract specified below in the Taluk of Cherakkel from the 1st day May 1885 to the 31st day of March 1886, subject to the following conditions and limitations to be observed by you, the said Kottieth Choyi. You shall sell liquor under this license in one shop for arrack and toddy combined. Such shop or shops shall be under your personal management. If you desire to open more shops, or if the above shops are not under your personal management, you must obtain a separate license for each such shop. The Collector may, whenever he thinks fit, direct shops other than those managed by you to be closed, or permit transfers of shops from one place to another, or direct new shops to be opened and a sufficient supply of spirits to be maintained in all sanctioned shops…

Justice Gopalan Nair who heard the original case decreed that Choyi should pay arrears, and Choyi appealed to the higher court where Muthuswamy Ayyar presided. The collector maintained that the original licensee was responsible for running just one shop and had to obtain separate licenses for any others (Choyi closed some of the shops). Choyi claimed that he could in effect open more shops and sublet them, and that the many orders to that effect, were arbitrary, that he suffered many a loss on that account, and could therefore not pay the Rs 11,433/ levied. It is all complicated, so I won’t get to it, but Choyi lost the appeal.

Cannanore in those days was quite different. As a German visitor mentioned - Cannanore is nothing more than a large village of twelve thousand inhabitants, who live in groups in small houses. Through wide beautiful avenues with gigantic bread trees, from which long aerial roots hang down, in an hour you arrive at the old barracks of the fort on a wide esplanade near the beach, from where you can see the forts and a lighthouse with the British flag. At the moment, I passed, some English soldiers, who were half-dressed and stretched out on the ground, were engaged in casting the sun's rays into the eyes of the passers-by with a mirror, a work which seemed to interest them very much. The beach was a sandy plain, bordered by coconut trees and fishermen's huts, where the fishing boats were currently resting.

When one leaves the bungalow to go to the fort, after passing through some gardens and walking through beautiful avenues, one comes to a lot of mud huts, where poverty abounds. Then one gets to see the long, shady avenues, where occasionally in the background of English landscaped gardens are the houses of the officers, with the names of the tenants and the designation of their company on the pillars at the entrance. Flowers and strange plants everywhere, baskets full of climbing plants and colorful hedges, from which wonderful scents rise.

Whether it was before or after this, Choyi served as a butler in the Esplanade hotel run by an Englishman. When the Brit decided to go back (or died) the hotel was given to Choyi and soon after that, Choyi married again, this time, his partner was the Anglo-Indian Thottathil Amma, who was somehow connected to the Hotel. Others mention that Choyi built the hotel and married Cheruvari Kalyani, the Anglo-Indian. The Geni site mentions that Kalyani was the daughter of Lord Strickland (It can’t be Walter Strickland the Anarchist – I wonder who this Strickland was) and his consort Chirutha (Charlotte Smith). Interestingly, Chirutha’s sister Korambi was the mother of Justice Sir Cheruvari Krishnan. Krishnan had informed his colleagues at Madras that his grandfather was a British Duke. I did not get any further on this matter, though.

We understand from an account provided by his grandson (Hartland by Hari Baskaran) that the Cheruvari line offspring as well as the Anglo-Indian mother were not initially allowed inside the ancestral Kottieth house in Kannur, but after Choyi passed away, the ice was broken, and the two sets of families came together. Choyi he says, owned all the land from Payambalam beach to Kanathur Kavu and built houses for his children in large holdings, where they stayed and reared their own families. He presided over his large extended family like an ancient patriarch. Choyi’s English wife stayed in an elegant and spacious house called ‘The Gardens’ situated on the road to Payambalam beach. Choyi Butler had a very romantic image, or so we understand, and he was a tall man and of military bearing. The “white” side of the family flourished and did very well.

Choyi was considered akin to an uncrowned king of Cannanore, a grand old man who ruled over his mammoth family. The main tharavad home, the Kottieth House, was a large nalukettu building, situated in a heavily wooded compound in the choicest location of Cannanore. The homestead was mostly constructed with wood, except for the outer walls. There was a grand hall upstairs which the Cannanore Free Masons used as their temple, till they moved to their premises.

The Madras Railway Co in its 1902 guide states - There is a very good Hotel in Cannanore called the “Esplanade Hotel” and kept by a sharp, intelligent Tiyan by name “Choyi”—the traveller will find this little hotel one of the most comfortable in India and also remarkably clean. Mr. Choyi, of the Esplanade Hotel, Cannanore, can make arrangements for the jutkas to Baliapatam and the boat onwards to Hosdrug. The Tahsildar at Kasaragod will arrange for carts from Hosdrug to his own town, and onwards to Ullal on the river Netravati, where a boat can be got without difficulty across the water, where conveyances will be found to take the visitor into Mangalore.

Now we get to the delicious dessert named after Choyi, otherwise called "Choyi's pudding”, made from ripe small bananas. In North Malabar, this delicacy was usually served at the beginning of a meal and not at the end. Bananas were kneaded, the soft pudding was shaped into a round patty, ghee was smeared over it, sugar liberally sprinkled all over, and finally salty crunchy crushed pappad was layered on top and the resulting dessert was served as Choyi’s Malabar Pudding. It has been popular ever since.

Coming to the hotel - An 1889 article mentions that the proprietor of Esplanade Hotel was K Choyi. The hotel was very popular and the only well-appointed one of that period, frequented by well-heeled visitors, especially Englishmen and other foreigners. The Choyi’s seaside Hotel as it was also called, was built in one of the most idyllic sites in Cannanore, atop a hill overlooking the Arabian Sea. Choyi did well, the hotel prospered, and he was soon the owner of much land in the region. The wealthy Choyi sired some 20-odd children through 4-5 wives of his (you can get a listing from the Genie site).

The hotel was Choyi’s mainstay. From the 18^th century onwards, it boasted many prime amenities – a mile from the Railway station, with lock-up garages; private Sea-bathing arrangements; an open garden; a typewriter on request; babysitting; a small Library; a hairdresser; laundry ..and what not! There were 20-bath attached rooms with 32 beds in all, with hot and cold running water, and serving European, Indian, and vegetarian cuisine. Single rooms cost Rs 5/-, double Rs 7/ and meals were an extra Rs 6/-or 7/-. The private beach was, of course, especially appealing to European visitors.  

Among the many illustrious visitors to the hotel was the famous poetess Laurence Hope - writing from Cannanore to her sister-in-law Carrie, she mentions it as a cheap and nice hotel, with good food, and a kind obliging manager. She wonders – How he makes it pay, I don’t know! Choyi made special arrangements with boats and boatmen for estuary and sea fishing too, if someone wanted that diversion! Another account mentions - Choyi's Hotel has been a familiar name for many decades and Choyi himself well known to West Coast visitors. His son now carries on…Eric Stracey (INA Cyril’s brother) of the Madras Police relives his memories of happy camps in Cannanore and family paddles on its lovely beach below Choyi’s hotel (who does not know Choyi’s – he asks) where we sometimes stayed.

A Harper’s magazine article mentions - Perhaps the greatest hotel bargain I found was in Cannanore on the Malabar Coast , where I had my own cottage at the edge of a cliff overlooking the sea for $2.50 a day, including very good meals. Another review stated – Bags of character in this super clean old-fashioned complex of bungalow cottages set around a lawn. The hotel was previously the exclusive British Cannanore club, according to some old-timers. Upto 1921 it was a hotel frequented only by Europeans.

But things were starting to get a little rough -An article from 1920 mentions - The situation of the hotel facing the beach was ideal, but sanitation appeared the one word missing throughout the place. As we had written to the management and had received their confirmatory reply, we had expected to find everything spick and span, the moment we alighted. A disagreeable surprise awaited us, for we were greeted at the entrance by a cow, who roamed at large throughout the halls and verandah. She mowed as loudly as she could, giving us a warm welcome in the absence of those concerned, and inviting us to share with her the wonderfully clean surroundings for which unwittingly she had been responsible. Whether this beast was considered sacred or lucky we could not conjecture, but from the way she peacefully roamed about the premises at her sweet will and fancy she certainly appeared to be the pet mascot of the entire hotel staff, which by the way consisted of an old deaf proprietor, an assistant to match, a limpy butler who had his own ideas about his dignity and an invisible cook, who was an adept in the art of cooking all varieties of inedible fishes. Though we had heard volumes about Cannanore being a very healthy station and renowned for its sea-bathing, yet we were considerably disappointed with the town, which affords no singular sight for the tourist, except the old Portuguese Fort on the promontory facing the beach.

I was passing Cannanore, driving down after seeing the Bekkal fort, and going about the St Angelo’s fort nearby. Unfortunately, the Arakkal Palace was closed to the public, being a Monday, and try as I did, I could not find the location of the Choyi Hotel at Payyambalam or its remnants. Some opined it was the Choice homestay place, others said it became the Choice hotel, and some sent me to the Savoy hotel, but I never found the old Choyi hotel or its remains, though the Savoy seemed to fit my mental bill, in style. Still, it was way off the beach and not it.

Choyi during his lifetime, was very active indeed, with many social causes. He seems to have been the first to start a girls' school in the area and granted space for it, as well as employing a Gurukkal (teacher) for the 10 or so students who studied there. He was also involved in community matters especially the Sree Narayana Guru visit –VK Kunhi Kannan decided to bring Sree Narayana Guru to Cannanore and consecrate a temple there. The Guru agreed to it and a committee comprising prominent Thiyya’s including Choyi Butler, was formed then. Sree Narayana Guru thus visited Kannur in 1907 and stayed at the home of Kottiyeth Choyi. The Sundareshwara temple construction started in 1909 and it was inaugurated in 1916.

Choyi's family - from first wife

Now let’s look at a few of his offspring, especially some of the luminaries. CK Bharatan looked after Choyi’s hotel, after the patriarchs’ death. Considering that it remained with the CK branch, it could be that Kalyani Amma held the title of the hotel.

CK Lakshmanan - Lakshmanan was born on 5th April 1898 in Cannanore, Kerala. He had his early education in the Christian College, Madras. He passed his L.M & S from Madras Medical College and was a noted all-round sportsman. During his college days, he captained the Madras University Cricket Team, won many Trophies in Tennis and Athletics, and represented India in the Olympic Games in Paris in 1924.

Beyond sports, he was a member of many professional organizations and continued his medical education at St. Bartholomew's Medical College & Hospital, London, taking his MRCS, DTM & H, and DPH in the U.K. Lakshmanan was commissioned in the Indian Medical Service in 1925 and continued in military service up to 1935. He held various responsible civil positions in the Government of India. He was the Director of Public Health, in Bengal, and Director and Professor of Public Health Administration at the All-India Institute of Hygiene and Public Health, Calcutta. He was Director General of Health Services, Government of India, for six years from 1952. He was the Honorary Surgeon to the President of India from 1957-58. After retirement from Government, he joined the Indian Red Cross Society as its Secretary-General in July 1958 and continued in that capacity until April 1969. He was made Honorary Major General in June 1960 and was awarded the Padma Bhushan in 1967.

KC Kausalya was no less. Kausalya completed her BA in 1910 from the Madras Presidency College, perhaps the first Malayali science graduate among women or at least the first to graduate in botany. Obtaining a Licentiate in Teaching in 1913, she joined the Government Girls’ High School, Cannanore as an Assistant. After her return from England in 1924, she was appointed Professor of Natural Science at Queen Mary’s College (QMC). Quoting Savithri Preetha Nair, she was the first Indian woman to visit the institution as a volunteer worker, Kausalya was at this time pursuing a second BSc degree at London’s Bedford College for Women (today’s Royal Holloway College) as a government scholar. The petite Kausalya would spend a year in the United States, but it does not appear this was in the capacity of a Barbour Fellow. In June 1933, she would visit the University of Wisconsin-Madison, and the purpose of her visit was rather than botanical, a direct influence of the proceedings of the AIWC (1931). Kausalya wished to begin ‘home economics extension work’ in India similar to that in America. She also visited Redlands in California, where at a Forum Club meeting held at Beach City (Laguna Beach), to which she had been invited as guest, she spoke about the customs of her country. By May 1934, Kausalya along with her young niece, Miss Vimala Karunakaran were homeward bound on the Hakozaki Maru, heading for Colombo, from where they would travel by boat and then train to reach Madras.

C.K. Vijayaraghavan who was educated at Madras Christian College and Law College; joined the ICS, and served in Madras as Asst. Collector and magistrate, Collector of Tanjore, etc. and became the first Indian IG of Police of the undivided Madras Presidency, in 1947. He was later to become the Home Secretary in the Government of Madras. Interestingly the IG post was first offered to Pulla Reddy who however declined stating that he did not have the “necessary build” and so recommended the appointment of C.K. Vijayaraghavan, ICS to the post. He died in 1950.

Many children on the Kottieth Adiyeri and the other branches also rose to prominence, there are simply too many to recount. Some examples are Kottieth Anandan, Sub judge Kunhikannan, Deputy Collector Mukundan, etc. So many of the progeny also shone in the armed forces and in the administrative services.

People may wonder why I write about such characters, well, my friends, it is quite simple – they are the ones who rose from nothing to something, and that is the most important thing in the journey of life, lessons others can learn from. Choyi in those caste-ist periods in Kerala history, was placed in the lower rungs of society, see how he and his family made a place for themselves, in the annals of history!!

NB: The title for this article comes from the mouth of an 89-year-old family member of the Adiyeri line with whom I had a very interesting conversation. She told me about the vast family and narrated that in her lifetime, and family discussions, she often heard of many a thing - starting with – In the days and time of Choyi Butler.

I wish my friend Murkoth Premnath had been still alive, he would have recalled and narrated a few more legends, which could easily fill a few more pages…

References

Chromosome woman, nomad scientist E. K. Janaki Ammal, A Life 1897–1984 - Savithri Preetha Nair

Hartland – The spirit of a family – Hari Baskaran

Obituary Major General C.K. Lakshmanan – TB Association of India

Family members and friends of the Choyi family may suggest corrections if any under comments and I will gladly oblige. Thanks to Nikhil, Akhil for their help and Tushara and her grandma for the nice conversation.

Input # 1 - Adiyeri member - She informs me that Choyi is his first name and not a caste name. The Chirakkal Raja had apparently entrusted the prominent Kottieth family with supplying grain to his 35,000 soldiers, and hence their importance. It is also mentioned that Choyi owned one half of the land in the Payyambalam region and the other half was owned by his nephew Kottieth Ramunni vakil. The Choice hotel took over Choyi's hotel.

Photo from http://sreesundareswara.com/Administration.aspx, Adiyeri member

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In Memoriam - Sarojini Sivalingam

A pioneer Radio Jockey - Ceylon Radio, Malayalam transmission

During the 70s and the early 80s, youngsters of our generation were glued to transistors - small portable radios, a marvel that arrived after the bulky old valve radios of yore. They were a heaven-send for not only music enthusiasts, but also cricket lovers, and we could transport ourselves to distant corners of the world with those radios and listen to broadcasts from exotic locales. Though the Panasonic versions sported a plug-in earphone, it was sportier to hold it close to one’s ear, a common sight in those days. As these sets worked on torch batteries, many more people started listening to the radio, so much more affordable compared to the ornate valve sets showcased in the living room. Moreover, tussles with the elders on whether to listen to a farmer's broadcast or a morose Carnatic rendition were conveniently avoided. And that was how, I got to hear the Malayalam (and of course Tamil and Hindi) music broadcasts jockeyed by a pioneer in the field, Sarojini Sivalingam, who hailed from Kakkayur in Palghat, just a few miles distant from our Pallavur ancestral home. She passed away on 9th Dec, aged 88, leaving behind many a musical memory in the minds of the Malayalees from my generation. With heartfelt condolences, I wish that her soul rests in eternal peace.

Many a Malayali of the baby boomer generation will remember that chirpy announcer with a slight Tamil accent, launch into the afternoon Malayalam transmission at 330 PM, and bring to us the greatest songs sung by the proficient singers of the time. But before we get to her life story, let us trace out the events leading up to the creation of the South Asian commercial broadcasts. It was not really meant for the listening pleasure of the many Malayalees living in Ceylon, but it was directly aimed towards listeners in India.

In the 70s and 80s, like many other Malayalees living away from home, I would switch on my little Keltron transistor radio and dial in the 41-meter band SW Radio Ceylon frequency. Of course, the tuner was not digital, and the reception would wax and wane sometimes, but for the most part, held steady as the transmitter in Ceylon was quite powerful. The Hindi and Malayalam music programs were very good indeed and if one did not have a turntable to play LPs or EPs the transmission from Ceylon was the main source, though there was the well-set but relatively staid AIR Vivid Bharati program, on the MW channels.

I spent many hours studying the commencement of radio experimentation and transmission in Ceylon and must tell you that a more detailed article on Radio Ceylon and its connections to Binaca Geetmala will follow in due course, this one is focused on Sarojini Sivalingam, following a quick run through the station’s development.

The first wireless telegraphy station was erected in 1912, and wireless messages in Morse Code were sent under the callsign CLO, which was later changed to VPB. Though there are ubiquitous mentions of a German sub’s transmitter being salvaged by American Ed Harper to create the first transmitter in 1924, it was mostly the work of his deputy Lt. M J Golighitly, with double tube sets which started it all. The first transmitter was on the air in 1925 briefly with music (gramophone records played into the primitive microphone) transmitted on a small ½ kW transmitter, from ‘Colombo Radio’, with the equipment locally custom built by Harper and team. Irregular broadcasts, two or three times a week, contained music, news, weather reports, and time signals. So much for a very brief mention of the early history.

While India boasted of a few MW sets and stations, they were not quite powerful, but with the arrival of the Second World War, many Indians acquired a radio (we detailed these in the Congress and Revolutionary radio articles). Indians had by now gotten used to tuning in to news broadcasts from distant stations, mainly due to mistrust of the British content.  

SW transmissions

In Ceylon, SW transmission experiments started in 1934. In 1939, the VPB MW callsign was shut down. The shortwave transmitter continued to be in use at Welikada for three more years while a larger shortwave station was under construction at Ekala during 1944, and the callsign changed from VPB to ZOH. The design for the new shortwave station in Ekala was like the one located in Malaysia. Much of the electronic equipment was shipped from Marconi in England but was lost in a German torpedo attack. A new consignment comprising a powerful 100KW set was shipped out from England, and installed at Ekala. This SEAC wartime transmitter was later gifted by Mountbatten, to Colombo, after the war. In 1948, Ceylon became independent, and on Jan 1st, 1950, Colombo Radio became Radio Ceylon.

The station at Ekala, a dozen miles north of Colombo eventually housed a total of seven shortwave (Philips) transmitters, including the powerful 100KW international set. Ekala’s broadcasts were since then, heard worldwide, and many millions listened to it in India.

The Commercial Service for Southern Asia was beamed to India, and other nearby countries on shortwave, as the All-Asia Service (ilanagai oliparappu stapanam, asia sevai). In 1967, Radio Ceylon was renamed the Ceylon Broadcasting Corporation; and in 1972, the station was redesignated again, as the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation, after Ceylon became the Republic of Sri Lanka. The Commercial service was built up with support from the Australian radio staff, and Clifford Dodd was the driving force behind the rapid development of the service. It was under his tutelage that many local personnel became legendary radio personalities, and among them were Jimmy Bharucha, Shirley Perera, Nihal Bharati, Ameen Sayani, SP Mayilvahanam, and Vernon Corea, among others.

AIR and BV Keskar

The 60s were to feature an Indian-oriented transmission, for two reasons. While the primary reason for the launch of the Commercial service was driven by Indian listeners desiring to hear Bollywood tunes, the impetus was provided by manufacturers who wanted to advertise their wares to the thousands of listeners tuned to the channel. On a lighter note, one can read many an old-timer’s anecdote of how they fell for the catchy jingles and used a product advertised over those airwaves, with less than satisfactory results.

Strangely the driver of this wave was an authority who decided that films and film music are necessarily vulgar and would taint the young Indian mind. He banned film music from All India Radio - AIR broadcasts, in 1952, and tried to force listeners to listen to classical music and ‘raise their standards’, which turned out to be a classic Tughlaq-ian decision. Much has been written about Binaca Geet Mala and Amin Sayani, but the involvement of BV Keskar and the AIR ban on film music is an interesting topic to mull over. Some months ago, I had written about the Harmonium, the ban of the instrument on the AIR waves, and the involvement of many a music stalwart on the same. The film music ban by the I&B minister Keskar, has two aspects - firstly, his personal views on classical versus film music, and secondly his views on Urdu versus Hindi. The aftereffects of the ban had profound results, the Hindi film industry took to the Radio Ceylon airwaves for commercial broadcasting of film songs, and it proved to be very successful, especially the Amin Sayani compered Geetmala, sponsored by the toothpaste manufacturer Binaca. I should not forget to mention that Radio Goa was another station (until 1962, a Portuguese colony) which broadcast advertisements, but never added regional languages like Tamil and Malayalam. Religious and news broadcasts in Tamil & gospel in Malayalam had been aired on other Ceylon channels much earlier.

Secondly, AIR would not permit commercial advertisements, it was state-funded and state-run. Listeners and sponsors fled to the commercial service at Radio Ceylon which took care of the matter, with the incorporation of pithy advertisements interspersed into the musical programs. American Daniel Molina established Radio Ceylon’s Advertisement services in Bombay to build up the advertisement revenues. Programming was done in Bombay and at Ceylon where RJ’s and DJ’s (then called announcers) compered each show. With the AIR continuing to be a dull station, feeble in power and covering a smaller area, listeners hastened to find radios that were guaranteed to pick up radio Ceylon. Thanks to these kinds of shows, the radio announcer’s job became highly sought after, and if you recall, Sunil Dutt was on the air as an announcer for Radio Ceylon, and Amitabh Bachan later failed an audition at the AIR. In the late 60’s the advertisement revenue by Radio Ceylon from Indian companies was well over Rs 5 lakhs, Bombay and Madras became the production centers, as they were home to recording studios and well as the film fraternity.

AIR claws back

When AIR (Aakashwani - AIR means the voice from the sky) and the bureaucrats in India realized that Radio Ceylon was minting money and that most of the listeners were Indians, they conceded it was time to change. The film music ban was lifted and the Vivid Bharati channel was introduced in 1957, to air film songs, but then again the rigid team at Delhi fixed their working hours and banned advertisements, and their tepid programming coupled with a few weak MW stations was no match for the professional and catchy service from Colombo, which by now was employing more and more Indians to man the mics at Colombo.

AIR announcers continued to be dull and just played records after making terse and brief announcements of the track, with a long list of listeners, compared to Ceylon announcers who interacted with the public, reading snippets from listener’s letters, providing details of the songs, their creation, makers and what not. It is said that 9 out of 10 sets were tuned during certain hours to Ceylon’s 41-meter band, even after the launch of Vivid Bharati. Another reason for Radio Ceylon’s success was that the studios had amassed a great collection of music records, carefully maintained and archived by the team. Their selection of music for a program was impeccable and went with the times. The collection boasts over one lakh Sinhalese, Tamil, Malayalam, English, and Hindi songs!

The listeners were from all corners of India and Pakistan, and there was a smattering of immigrants in Burma, Malaysia, Singapore, and other SE Asian states who listened to the Ceylon broadcasts. Later in the 70’s and 80’s it was also popular with the many Malayalees who took the boats to work in the Middle East. Surely many of the Malayalees remaining in Sri Lanka also listened to these channels. Some Indian politicians wondered if they could campaign over the Radio Ceylon waves, which was refused.

However, trouble was starting to brew in Lanka. Nationalist demands that the Lankan soil cease to be home for foreign broadcasts became louder, many Malayalees had been evicted from the island (see my article on Malayalees in Ceylon) and Buddhist leaders complained that the commercial service had in a few years damaged the ethnic island culture far more than four hundreds of years of colonialism. The adoption of Sinhala as the sole national language after the election success of Bandaranayake resulted in riots between the Tamils and the Sinhalese. Nevertheless, by 1967, Radio Ceylon became a public corporation, the CBC, and the government tried hard to exercise their control on matters aired.

The 70s in Lanka was a period of strife, especially after 1972 when it became a republic. The JVP and the LTTE reared their heads, the Ceylon government was concerned that the LTTE was getting coded information from Madras over the Tamil programs. Fearing DMK manipulation, the Sinhalese wanted a cessation of Tamil film music broadcasts and Bharatiyar’s poems. It was only in 1977 -78 that the constitution was rewritten, Lanka moved away from leftism and opened itself to market-oriented reforms. What all this did was to prove what Ammen Sayani once mentioned - that a good radio station is the one you can see, and not just hear.

Anyway, the reduction of film music transmission in SLBC and the nationalistic pressures resulted in a reduction of advertisers and revenue for the channel and an increase in listenership for the AIR which had by 1970 started commercial services and hit revenues of over 20 crores by the early 80s.

Tamil & Malayalam channel

To summarize, the success of the Hindi channel and the higher quality of SW transmission compared to the weak MW transmitters in India, plus a proliferation of different types of radios resulted in many listeners tuning into Radio Ceylon by the 70’s. Tamil programming had a massive share of listeners, and announcers namely KS Raj, Saravana Muthu, Abdul Hameed, and SP Mayil Vaganam ( who spoke with a Jaffna sing-song accent), ruled the roost.  T. Urutharapathy of SLBC says - "Mayilvaganam used to leave by flight for Chennai at 8 a.m. collect new songs, have lunch in Chennai, return to Colombo by 4 p.m. and air the new numbers on the 6 p.m. radio show". That shows how Radio Ceylon kept its listeners up-to-date and hooked.

Interestingly while the SLBC broadcast in Sinhala, Tamil, and English for some 250 hours a week, the Commercial broadcast in English, Hindi, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam was beamed towards India, and separately to Europe and SE Asia for just seven hours.

In the late sixties, Trivandrum and Calicut were the only two stations, and their MW signal strength was lackluster. It was a strange period for us in India those days, we had to buy a license to own a radio, costing some Rs 15/- per year, can you imagine!! Transistors with real leather cases thrived and by the ’70s were replaced by the latest radio cassette receivers or ‘2 in 1’s’ as they were called, which arrived from the gulf, gracing almost all Malayali and Tamil homes. Even with the arrival of home taping with these cassette recorders and the proliferation of cassette tapes, Radio Ceylon stayed strong for a few more years, but the death knell was about to sound. During its heydays, it is mentioned that over 1.3 million listeners were tuned to the Malayalam broadcasts which were added over the years, and here is where Sarojini Sivalingam and team come in.

Sarojini Sivalingam

We can piece together her RJ days from a 2011 in-person interview and a lovely article on her by the music writer Ravi Menon from Wynad. Now, Sarojini had retired, after leaving Sri Lanka due to the turbulence and was closeted in her home in Coimbatore. Unlike the film star persona and fame achieved by her contemporary in the Binaca Geetmala program – Ameen Sayani, Sarojini had been forgotten. Television had arrived in India and took over viewership from Ceylon as well as a multitude of local and national radio stations. But Ravi and many others including me, were fortunate to have lived through the 60-80’s the Golden age of Malayalam music. It was a period lorded by Baburaj, Raghavan, Dakshina Murthy, Arjunan, MB Srinivasan, MG Radhakrishnan, and so on, ruled the roost and singers like Yesudas, Jayachandran, Brahmanandan, S Janaki, P Sushila, Madhuri, Vani Jayram etc. just to name a few stalwarts, enthralled listeners. For the many listeners in India and abroad, the Ceylon SW station provided respite, and of course, enjoyment, by broadcasting these songs, compered by Sarojini Sivalingam.

Sarojini hailed from a little village nestling under the brooding Western Ghats, in the rice bowl of Kerala, namely Palghat. Kakkayur is a little distance away from Pallavur and in the late 60’s and early 70’s just two buses plied the forest route from Pallavur to Koduvayur, one an Ex-Servicemen blue bus., which I remember distinctly. There was just one stop between them and that was at Sarojini’s village of Kakkayur.  Today a new residential locality called Little Dubai, borders Kakkayur, boasting of many ‘gulf’ returnee’s houses, with garishly painted exteriors. As her father worked in the military, Sarojini spent her younger days at Calcutta and Poona but interestingly passed her school finals from Koduvayur. College education continued at Coimbatore and Madras. Music was always with her and right from her younger days, music held her in a firm grip, though Carnatic, Hindi, and Tamil were her favorites.

She fell in love with RR Sivalingam from Ceylon, who was her batch mate at the Madras Christian College, and after studies and a difficult courtship period, decided to get married. Though her parents were not too happy with the match, they got married and the couple went back to Ceylon - to Hatton, near Nuwara Eliya in Ceylon ( If you have not been to those tea estates, plan your next trip to the legendary Ashoka Vana where Sita was imprisoned, according to the locals – it is well worth it – See my article about the Lanka sojourn for details). While Sivalingam worked initially as a principal in a private school, Sarojini took a while to adjust to the new terrain, society, and language, and fortunately for her, her in-laws loved her like a daughter. Later he became a successful advocate in Colombo and the family moved there. At this opportune juncture, SLBC were looking around for Malayalam announcers. Sarojini’s demeanor and character impressed the Director Sushil Munasinghe, and she started her career with them in 1971.

It is not clear if N Karunakaran and Lathika Vivekanandan, two other announcers, joined the new Malayalam commercial channel in the 70s with Sarojini, but they were around with her till the 80s. Karunakaran was certainly a resident in Lanka since many years. Together they compered many programs and Malayalees would recall Marivillu (rainbow), Sabda Lahari, Raaga Sangamam, Vanita Rangam, and so on. The start of the 3:30 p.m. show was always by Sarojini. Readers must note that Radio Ceylon did not really have a code of conduct or style, and announcers had to establish limits and keep it decent and casual. Other than music slots, Sarojini would also interview musicians, singers, and music directors, but told Ravi Menon that one of her biggest regrets was that she could never do one with Yesudas who had shifted to Bombay by then, to progress his Hindi career. Sarojini mentions that Karunakaran was a great help in getting herself grounded in the radio station. 4 sets of records arrived every time a film was released.

For close to ten years Sarojini anchored the Malayalam channel, but by the 80’s the living circumstances in Sr Lanka had become untenable. The sectarian violence was taking its toll on one hand and the revenues had dipped on the other hand. It was time for the immigrant staff to return, violence had skyrocketed, and the safety of immigrant workers was no longer guaranteed.

Sarojini returned to Palghat in 1983 and settled down in Coimbatore. She led a retired life after Sivalingam passed away, and her sons Damodaran and Sreedharan chose to remain in Lanka initially and migrated to NZ and USA, later. Spending her last years with her daughter Rohini, Sarojini watched the passage of time over the new medium of television, which went from B&W to color, and radio had finally been consigned to the back seats. While Sri Lanka may have forgotten her, many Malayalees remembered her and her 3:30 p.m. slot, for she would bring Kerala and films to them, as well as the magical voices and the best songs of their favorite singers.

In May 2013, the Ekala site housing the rusty old Marconi transmitters was finally shut down. There is much more to the famous SEAC 100KW transmitter, and I will recount all that some other day.

Why was Radio Ceylon revered by Indian listeners and music creators? For the Indian creators, Ceylon’s programming provided them the opportunity to get feedback from listeners, and even interact with them. The announcer would be the listener's voice, and they had to honestly and emotionally connect with the song and the musicians, thereby becoming the bridge, and that was why the announcer became what they were, cult heroes – people like Amin Sayani, Mayil Vaganam and Sarojini Sivalingam. They never failed to ignite the listener's imagination.

Sarojini Sivalingam, like Amin Sayani, certainly did that to me…

May her soul rest in eternal peace, and I am sure a thousand grateful listeners will join me in this last wish…

References

Community Radio Policies in South Asia: A Deliberative Policy Ecology Approach - Preeti Raghunath

Brought to Life by the Voice: Playback Singing and Cultural Politics in South India - Amanda Weidman

A look at the Radio Ceylon Commercial channel studios – An Instagram post

Ravi Menon’s article – Mathrubhumi Nov 2011

Related blogs – Maddy’s Ramblings

Harmonium

Malayalees in Ceylon

Revolutionary Radio -Congress radio, Propaganda wars

Trip to Sri Lanka

I had a short chat with Rohini, Sarojini’s charming daughter. The pictures posted are thanks to her and not to be copied without her permission. thanks also to Arun at Intach Palghat and the gentle prod…

Ekala site picture – courtesy Vernon Correa

Note – I too got confused with the spelling - Memorium' is a common misspelling of 'Memoriam,' and it has no function in the English language. 'Memoriam' is a Latin word that means memory. 'Memoriam' is added to the preposition, in, to create the prepositional phrase In Memoriam, which means, in memory of. Learnt a little bit of English/Latin along the way…

I still listen to a radio

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